Skip to content

Commit 9297858

Browse files
Noah GoodmanNoah Goodman
authored andcommitted
clean up m impl ex
1 parent 0b5aa63 commit 9297858

File tree

1 file changed

+12
-15
lines changed

1 file changed

+12
-15
lines changed

teaching_extras/RSA-Mimplicature.md

Lines changed: 12 additions & 15 deletions
Original file line numberDiff line numberDiff line change
@@ -13,22 +13,23 @@ Suppose we have two utterance that mean the same thing, but one is less costly.
1313
Suppose also that we have to objects that could be referred to, but one is more likely (or more salient). Does the cheaper phrase go with the more likely target? We implement this in standard RSA:
1414

1515
~~~
16-
//two objects, one is an priori more likely referent
16+
//two objects, one is an priori more likely referent, the other is marked because it's unusual.
1717
var objectPrior = function() {
18-
return categorical({vs: ["plain thing", "marked thing"], ps: [0.3, 0.7]})
18+
return categorical({vs: ["plain thing", "marked thing"], ps: [0.7, 0.3]})
1919
}
2020
21-
// two words, one is longer
22-
var utterances = ["thing", "tthhiing"]
21+
// two words, one is longer. "thing" and "tthhiing" both apply to both objects.
22+
var lexicon = {thing: ["plain thing", "marked thing"], tthhiing: ["plain thing", "marked thing"]}
23+
24+
var utterances = _.keys(lexicon)
2325
24-
// utterance cost function
2526
var cost = function(utterance) {
2627
return utterance.length
2728
}
2829
29-
// "thing" and "tthhiing" both apply to both objects
30+
//meaning function, check if object is in word extension, with a little noise
3031
var meaning = function(utterance, obj){
31-
return true
32+
return _.includes(lexicon[utterance], obj)?flip(0.9):flip(0.1)
3233
}
3334
3435
// literal listener
@@ -65,18 +66,15 @@ viz.table(pragmaticListener("thing"))
6566
viz.table(pragmaticListener("tthhiing"))
6667
~~~
6768

68-
Standard RSA predicts that objects interpretations match prior probabilities for both words. How can we break the symmetry in interpretation, without building it in *a priori* in the meanings? One method, *lexical uncertainty* (Bergen, Levy, Goodman), posits that each word might have a more specific meaning -- applying to only one object -- but the listener doesn't know which. When a pragmatic listener isn't sure how a speaker uses words they have to infer this jointly with the intended object. Implement this lexical uncertainty idea:
69+
Standard RSA predicts that objects interpretations match prior probabilities for both words. How can we break the symmetry in interpretation, without building it in *a priori* in the meanings? One method, *lexical uncertainty* (Bergen, Levy, Goodman, 2016), posits that each word might have a more specific meaning -- applying to only one object -- but the listener doesn't know which. When a pragmatic listener isn't sure how a speaker uses words they have to infer this jointly with the intended object. Implement this lexical uncertainty idea:
6970

7071
~~~
7172
7273
~~~
7374

7475
Does the M-implicature now arise? How much does this depend on the possible meanings your listener entertains? Does the M-implicature still arise if the literal listener infers the meanings (instead of the pragmatic listener)?
7576

76-
More generally, we can introduce free variables into the meaning function that are to be filled in based on context.
77-
Lifting these variables from the literal listener to the pragmatic listener yields a variety of interesting effects.
78-
79-
### Direct or indirect causation
77+
## Direct or indirect causation
8078

8179
When you hear "John caused the vase to break" you probably imagine an atypical or more complex situation than when you hear "John broke the vase". This could indicate that the lexical semantics of "break" is subtly different than "cause to break". An alternative hypothesis is that these are the same, but an M-implicature arises due to their different lengths.
8280

@@ -95,13 +93,12 @@ For simplicity, assume that both utterances could refer to either *john bumped t
9593
~~~
9694

9795

98-
### Other M-implicatures
96+
## Other M-implicatures
9997

10098
Notice that in the above causation example the lexical uncertainty arose out of ambiguity: it was ambiguous whether "John" in the sentence "John broke the vase" referred to the event of John bumping the vase (`JBV`) or John bumping the lamp (`JBL`). By resolving this ambiguity at the pragmatic listener level we introduced the opportunity for M-implicature.
10199

102100
This analysis suggests that any ambiguity in meaning could in principle give rise to M-implicature. Come up with several sources of ambiguity in language and see whether you think they can lead to M-implicature!
103101

104-
## Vagueness
102+
So far we've talked about ambiguity in terms of uncertainty about the whole lexicon. An alternative, and equivalent, formulation is to introduce *free variables* into the meaning function. These free variables represent under-specification in the semantics that can be filled in by context. Lifting these variables from the literal listener to the pragmatic listener yields a variety of interesting effects, such as vagueness (See Lassiter and Goodman, 2015).
105103

106-
...TBD
107104

0 commit comments

Comments
 (0)